סקס מול הבעל תחת יפה

Joint Chiefs of Staff. Secretary General Kofi Annan: No, this is not ideal. But then few thought China could either. Secretary of State John Kerry has the right attitude: When the Ottoman Empire collapsed as a result of its defeat in World War I, the colonial powers Britain and France were right there, for their own interests, to impose their own order on the diverse tribes, sects and religions that make up the Arab East.

When the British and French left after World War II, they handed power, in many cases, to monarchs, who, in many cases, gave way to generals, who, in all cases, kept their diverse populations in line with iron fists. But, now, the Ottomans are gone, the colonial powers are gone and even the iron-fisted generals are gone. Can the people in these countries who for so long have been governed vertically — from the top down — now govern themselves horizontally by writing their own social contracts for how to live together as equal citizens with regular rotations in power and without iron fists from above.

When President Obama says he plans to arm the anti-Bashar Assad rebels in Syria, this is the vortex into which he is inserting America. It is still unclear to me where the president is going with Syria, but I see only three possible strategies: In the long run, though, this strategy most likely would lead to the partition of Syria into an Alawite zone along the coast, a Kurdish zone in the northeast and a Sunni zone in the rest.

We or NATO would have to have boots on the ground to help them topple Assad and then stay for years to keep the warring parties from murdering each other, to suppress the violent extremists in each community and to help the moderates write and implement a new social contract for how to live together.

Those who want a unified, multisectarian and democratic Syria, a noble goal, need to be honest about what it would take to achieve that from where we are now. It would take another Iraq-scale intervention — something we did not do well, and which very few Americans would vote to repeat. Our debate about Libya has been focused entirely on the sacking of our facility in Benghazi, but the proper debate should be about why there was — and remains — such a security vacuum in eastern Libya in the first place.

The transition government has not been strong enough to bring order to Libya, and the instability there has metastasized. The good news is that moderate Libyans have pushed back against their lawless tribal and jihadist militias, but without outside help it is an uphill struggle.

Even if by some miracle that were to happen, so much more blood would be spilled along the way that we would still need an international peacekeeping force to referee any post-Assad power-sharing deal. All volunteers, please raise your hand. Those are the options as I see it. None feel very good because those in Syria who are truly fighting for a democratic outcome are incredibly brave, but weak and divided. Fighting for democratic values — rather than for family, sect, tribe or Shariah — is still a new thing for these societies.

Those who are fighting for a sectarian or Islamist outcome, though, are full of energy and well financed. Proving Churchill at least half-right, we have foolishly ignored immigration reform for years.

Yet it appears that brain-dead House Republicans and their pusillanimous leadership are not inclined to do the right thing and pass a similar bill. That is how a great country becomes un-great. Many House Republicans are resistant to a bill because they come from gerrymandered districts dominated by older white people who have a knee-jerk resistance to immigration reform — borne of fears of job-loss to illegal immigrants and a broader anxiety about the changing color and demographics in America.

And rather than trying to defuse those fears by putting the immigration bill into the larger context in which it belongs, a critical mass of House Republicans seems committed to fanning them. What world are we living in today? We are living in a world with at least five competing market platforms: And, if we were thinking strategically, one of our top foreign policy priorities would be to further integrate North America.

I wonder how many Americans know that we sell twice as many exports to Mexico as to China, and we export more than twice as much to Mexico and Canada as to the European Union and three times as much as we do to East Asia. And, with the discovery of natural gas in America leading to more manufacturing returning to this country, and the prospect of pending energy reform in Mexico, there is an opportunity to create the lowest-cost, clean-energy manufacturing platform in the world, with mutually beneficial supply chains crisscrossing the continent.

To enhance such a win-win growth strategy that would incentivize more Mexicans to stay home, we should be investing in a major expansion of transportation corridors to facilitate truck, intermodal including shipping and high-speed rail and human traffic in a much more efficient and legal fashion. A Vision of a Continental Future. By focusing exclusively on fences, we will not stop undocumented immigration — because 40 percent of illegal residents are people who overstayed their visas — but we will fail to invest in the infrastructure that represents a critical foundation for our future.

Watching the toppling of the Muslim Brotherhood-led government in Egypt, the most interesting question for me is this: Will we one day look back at this moment as the beginning of the rollback of political Islam? Again, it would be premature to say that this era of political Islam is over, but it is definitely time to say that the more moderate, non-Islamist, political center has started to push back on these Islamist parties and that citizens all across this region are feeling both more empowered and impatient.

The fact that this pushback in Egypt involved the overthrow of an elected government by the Egyptian army has to give you pause; it puts a huge burden on that army — and those who encouraged it — to act in a more democratic fashion than those they replaced.

But this was a truly unusual situation. Why did it come about and where might Egypt go from here? To understand the massive outpouring of grassroots opposition to the Muslim Brotherhood, which spurred the Egyptian army to evict President Mohamed Morsi from office on his first anniversary of taking power, it is best to avoid the language of politics — Was it an army coup?

Was it a popular revolt? Morsi narrowly won the Presidency by 51 percent of the vote because he managed to persuade many secular and pious but non-Islamist Egyptians that he would govern from the center, focus on the economy and be inclusive.

The Muslim Brotherhood never could have won 51 percent with just its base alone. Many centrist Egyptian urban elites chose to vote for Morsi because they could not bring themselves to vote for his opponent, Ahmed Shafik, a holdover from the regime of Hosni Mubarak. So they talked themselves into believing what Morsi was telling them.

As it gradually became apparent that Morsi, whenever he had a choice of acting in an inclusive manner — and pulling in all sectors of Egyptian society — or grabbing more power, would grab more power, a huge chunk of Morsi voters, Islamists and non-Islamist, started to feel cheated by him.

They felt that he and his party had stolen something very valuable — their long sought chance to really put Egypt on a democratic course, with more equal growth. Meanwhile, the rural and urban poor resented the fact that instead of delivering jobs and bread, as promised, Morsi delivered gas lines and electricity cuts.

The thief was calling Unfortunately for him the Egyptian Army answered. Its leaders had already been called by a significant swath of the Egyptian people, so it is now Morsi who finds himself in custody. Historians will surely ponder over why the Muslim Brotherhood behaved so foolishly. The short answer seems to be that character is destiny. It has always been a Leninist-like party, with a very strict hierarchy and a conspiratorial view of political life honed from long years in the underground.

It is to say that he made it easy for them to turn the Egyptian people against him. Meanwhile, the Obama Administration was largely a spectator to all of this.

The Muslim Brotherhood kept Washington at bay by buying it off with the same old currency that Mubarak used: Two critical questions now hang over Egypt: Egypt will never be stable unless it has a government that represents all the main political forces in the country -- and that still includes the Muslim Brotherhood, which probably still enjoys support from at least 25 percent of the voting public.

It has to be part of any new government. But the Egyptian Army has detained many Muslim Brotherhood activists today. And will the Egyptian army, which has its own vast network of economic interests that it is focused on protecting, open itself up to any reforms? Inclusion can be paralyzing or powerful, depending on whether everyone included can agree on a roadmap going forward.

Egypt today is in such a yawning and deep economic hole. It has wasted so many years of development. Can its main political actors including the Army reach a democratic consensus on the wrenching set of economic, security and political reforms required to set Egypt on a growth trajectory, or can they only agree that the latest president must go?

March 27, Thomas L. Most of its members are Pashtuns, not Arabs. Get used to it. This tension is not going away. Obama will have to lead through it. The rise of the Islamic State, also known as ISIS, is triggering some long overdue, brutally honest, soul-searching by Arabs and Muslims about how such a large, murderous Sunni death cult could have emerged in their midst.

Arab civilization, such as we knew it, is all but gone. The Arab world today is more violent, unstable, fragmented and driven by extremism — the extremism of the rulers and those in opposition — than at any time since the collapse of the Ottoman Empire a century ago. The jihadists of the Islamic State, in other words, did not emerge from nowhere. They climbed out of a rotting, empty hulk — what was left of a broken-down civilization.

They all embrace the same anti-pluralistic, puritanical Wahhabi Sunni ideology that Saudi Arabia diffused, at home and abroad, to the mosques that nurtured ISIS. Our media and education systems are liable for the monster we helped create. We need to teach our children how to learn from our mistakes instead of how to master the art of denial. When our educators and journalists start to understand the significance of individual rights, and admit that we have failed to be citizens, then we can start hoping for freedom, even if it is achieved slowly.

Nurturing this soul-searching is a vital — and smart — part of the Obama strategy. In committing America to an air-campaign-only against ISIS targets in Syria and Iraq, Obama has declared that the ground war will have to be fought by Arabs and Muslims, not just because this is their war and they should take the brunt of the casualties, but because the very act of their organizing themselves across Shiite, Sunni and Kurdish lines — the very act of overcoming their debilitating sectarian and political differences that would be required to defeat ISIS on the ground — is the necessary ingredient for creating any kind of decent, consensual government that could replace ISIS in any self-sustaining way.

Video Play Video 3: This is an excerpt of a full video interview coming this weekend. The Tea Party can claim the other half. The United States is not going to be the air force of Iraqi Shiites or any other faction. This is an excerpt of his full video interview with Thomas L. Friedman coming this weekend. At the end of the day, the president mused, the biggest threat to America — the only force that can really weaken us — is us. No victor, no vanquished and work together.

President Obama talks to Thomas L. This is an excerpt of the full interview coming this weekend. And the more diverse the country is, the less it can afford to take maximalist positions. While he blamed the rise of the Republican far right for extinguishing so many potential compromises, Obama also acknowledged that gerrymandering, the Balkanization of the news media and uncontrolled money in politics — the guts of our political system today — are sapping our ability to face big challenges together, more than any foreign enemy.

The fact is, said the president, in Iraq a residual U. Absent their will to do that, our troops sooner or later would have been caught in the crossfire, he argued. This idea that we could provide some light arms or even more sophisticated arms to what was essentially an opposition made up of former doctors, farmers, pharmacists and so forth, and that they were going to be able to battle not only a well-armed state but also a well-armed state backed by Russia, backed by Iran, a battle-hardened Hezbollah, that was never in the cards.

Even now, the president said, the administration has difficulty finding, training and arming a sufficient cadre of secular Syrian rebels: Unless we can give them a formula that speaks to the aspirations of that population, we are inevitably going to have problems.

Is Iran being helpful? You want percent, and the notion that the winner really does take all, all the spoils. President Obama on how the United States is a different sort of superpower from China. This is an excerpt of a full video interview by Thomas L. When it comes to things like corruption, the people and their leaders have to hold themselves accountable for changing those cultures We can help them and partner with them every step of the way.

It is tolerant of other sects and other religions in a way that we would like to see elsewhere. All we have to do is let the Americans bail us out again.

And we can go about business as usual. The president said that what he is telling every faction in Iraq is: That you are willing to continue to build a nonsectarian, functional security force that is answerable to a civilian government. We do have a strategic interest in pushing back ISIL.

I asked the president whether he was worried about Israel. I think the question really is how does Israel survive. And how can you create a State of Israel that maintains its democratic and civic traditions. How can you preserve a Jewish state that is also reflective of the best values of those who founded Israel. And, in order to do that, it has consistently been my belief that you have to find a way to live side by side in peace with Palestinians.

You have to recognize that they have legitimate claims, and this is their land and neighborhood as well. In some ways, Bibi is too strong [and] in some ways Abu Mazen is too weak to bring them together and make the kinds of bold decisions that Sadat or Begin or Rabin were willing to make.

Muammar el-Qaddafi, but not organize any sufficient international follow-on assistance on the ground to help them build institutions. Whether it is getting back into Iraq or newly into Syria, the question that Obama keeps coming back to is: I absolutely believed that it was the right thing to do. And so there would be more death, more disruption, more destruction. Do we have an answer [for] the day after? If Obama did that, what would he be ignoring? To defeat ISIS you have to address the context out of which it emerged.

And that is the three civil wars raging in the Arab world today: When you have a region beset by that many civil wars at once, it means there is no center, only sides. And when you intervene in the middle of a region with no center, you very quickly become a side. ISIS emerged as an extreme expression of resentment by one side: Without it, though, the dominant philosophy is either: The Times article noted: The former general had appealed months earlier to rejoin the Iraqi Army, but the official had refused.

Third, our allies are not fully allies: While the Saudi, Qatari and Kuwaiti governments are pro-American, wealthy Sunni individuals, mosques and charities in these countries are huge sources of funds, and fighters, for ISIS. It is a sick, destabilizing movement. I support using U. Continue reading the main story. Continue reading the main story Share This Page Continue reading the main story.

Continue reading the main story Continue reading the main story. THE United States is swamped by refugee children from collapsing Central American countries; efforts to contain the major Ebola outbreak in West Africa are straining governments there; jihadists have carved out a bloodthirsty caliphate inside Iraq and Syria; after having already eaten Crimea, Russia keeps taking more bites out of Ukraine; and the U.

Three big trends are converging. That may sound odd. Such values-based legal systems and institutions are just what so many societies have failed to build after overthrowing their autocrats. The biggest challenge for the world of order today is collaborating to contain these vacuums and fill them with order. That is what President Obama is trying to do in Iraq, by demanding Iraqis build a sustainable inclusive government in tandem with any U.

Otherwise, there will never be self-sustaining order there, and they will never be truly free. Which leads to the second disturbing trend today: Now add a third trend, and you can really get worried: America is the tent pole holding up the whole world of order. But our inability to agree on policies that would ensure our long-term economic vitality — an immigration bill that would ease the way for energetic and talented immigrants; a revenue-neutral carbon tax that would replace income and corporate taxes; and government borrowing at these low rates to rebuild our infrastructure and create jobs, while gradually phasing in long-term fiscal rebalancing — is the definition of shortsighted.

The Cold War involved two competing visions of order. Preserving and expanding the world of sustainable order is the leadership challenge of our time. Or is it something deeper? I was discussing this core question with Nader Mousavizadeh, a former senior United Nations official and the co-founder of Macro Advisory Partners, a geopolitical advisory firm, and he offered another framework: There is a lot of truth in that. The sectarian and nationalist fires you see burning around the Middle East are not as natural and inevitable as you may think.

It worked, and now Assad presents himself as the defender of a secular Syria against Sunni fanatics. The minute America left Iraq, he deliberately arrested Sunni leaders, deprived them of budgets and stopped paying the Sunni tribesmen who rose up against Al Qaeda. The Palestinian extremists who recently kidnapped three Israeli youths were arsonists, aiming to blow up any hope of restarting Israeli-Palestinian peace talks and to embarrass Palestinian moderates.

But they had help. Radical Jewish settler supporters in the Israeli cabinet, like Naftali Bennett and housing minister Uri Ariel, are arsonists. It is hard for people who have not lived in the Arab world to appreciate that Shiites and Sunnis in places like Iraq, Lebanon or Bahrain often intermarry. Majorities in all countries oppose any form of U. I recently gave the commencement address at the American University of Iraq, Sulaimani, in Kurdistan.

Its student body is 70 percent Kurdish, and the rest are mostly Shiites and Sunnis from across Iraq. With the right leadership, people in the region can and do get along. It is why for all the talk of breaking Iraq into three parts, it is has never been the preferred choice of most Iraqis. You actually have to work at burning them up.

To be sure, harmony between different sects requires order, but it does not have to be iron-fisted. Iraqis just last April held fair elections on their own. They can do it. That requires the right leadership. Are you an arsonist or are you a firefighter? The past month has presented the world with what the Israeli analyst Orit Perlov describes as the two dominant Arab governing models: Both have failed and will continue to fail — and require coercion to stay in power — because they cannot deliver for young Arabs and Muslims what they need most: The situation is not totally bleak.

You have two emergent models, both frail and neither perfect, where Muslim Middle East nations have built decent, democratizing governance, based on society and with some political, cultural and religious pluralism: Again both are works in progress, but what is important is that they did emerge from the societies themselves. You also have the relatively soft monarchies — like Jordan and Morocco — that are at least experimenting at the margins with more participatory governance, allow for some opposition and do not rule with the brutality of the secular autocrats.

And results can only come from policies of inclusion , that would give all forces a stake in the system, thereby producing stability, checks and balances, and ultimately prosperity.

ISIS and Sisi cannot win. Unfortunately, it might take exhausting all other options before a critical mass is developed that internalizes this basic fact.

That is the challenge of the new generation in the Arab world, where 70 percent of the population is under 30 years of age. The old generation, secular or religious, seems to have learned nothing from the failure of the postindependence era to achieve sustainable development, and the danger of exclusionist policies. Indeed, the Iraq founded in is gone with the wind.

The new Egypt imagined in Tahrir Square is stillborn. At your SEO Dashboard we have the awnsers! By frequenty count we expect your focus keyword to be clips Focus keyword.

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In this section we provide pointers on how you can to optimize your web page so it can be found more easily by search engines and how to make it rank higher by optimizing the content of the page itself. Not every factor is weighted the same and some are not as important as others. Relatively unimportant factors like meta keywords are not included in the overall score. How would you like to have SEO advice for all your pages?? Start your SEO Dashboard and optimize your website! Images can also slow down a website.

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De lenght of the meta description is characters long. Great, there are no words found on sexmovie. We did not detect a nomalized heading structure. Emphasis bold and italic. Mobile help tips and tricks Mobile SEO sexmovie. No ' Accelerated Mobile Pages ' technology detected! You are a complete joke. Left only to whimper long diatribes day and night that nobody actually reads.

Completely defeated in epic form. Leading us full circle back to your weakness. Go to church all you want, you are pure evil. Clearly you are mentally ill.

Akira, poor little Akira. Or is there no life to waste? Sitting up all night fantasizing about having a girl friend. Does all their dirty work in the Middle East. Serves, essentially, as nothing more than an overseas military base.

Especially the ones that immigrated from other countries. They want all the freedom, all the benefits of living in a decent, respectable society; while they preach something else.

Disrespecting our culture and people, yet they can simply leave. In fact, usually, they fled there lovely Muslim countries to get here. Muslims celebrate the murder of innocent people, including children. Muslim men treat women far worse than others treat dogs.

I tickle my asshole with your goyish fear. Crypto-Jews consider the term "Crypto-Jew" offensive, as it makes them appear twisted, devious, scheming and so on. They prefer the proper, respectful terms, "Anus Hebrew" and "Bene Anus". I am happy to oblige. Who are the Anus Hebrew? You never know where you might find ones of these Anuses. They might even try to tell you that you too are an Anus and never even knew it, and then they'll try and get you to act like an Anus!

Many of their descendants find out about their family background and all of a sudden change their diet and habits to follow Talmudic rules that most "real" Jews don't even bother with and that the original Sabbateans themselves condemned as Satanic. Or like finding out some distant relative is Chinese and then eating tofu every day "in their honour". Why would anybody make such a fetish of such things, except that it makes them feel "special"?

Bnai Brith, Mossad etc keep extensive records on known or possible Bene Anusim etc, to use them as fronts, to promote them, to employ them as Shabbas goy, as Hasbara, as Sayanim, etc. They also spend small fortunes scammed mostly from U. Sephardic name list - Searchable. The Villareal family see DNA studies. The Conrique Cohen-Henriquez del Pulgar family. Centre Gelinas sur L'Internet. Halevy Converso Descendants in the American Southwest: Destination New World by Howard M. Virtual Jewish History Tour Mexico.

Table of Contents and to order. University of Miami Press. Except for a brief introduction, the entire book is a listing of Inquisition Records in the New World. Good source for converso names in the New World. University of Wisconsin Press Much information about converso families and lists of converso names Ortiz, Dominguez, Judeoconversos en la espana moderna, Editorial Mapfre, Paseo de Recoletos, 25 - Madrid Oelman, Timothy, Marrano Poets.

Littlman Library of Jewish Civilization, The Last Inquisition Spertus Inst. To Be a Jewish Woman: Proceedings of the First International Conference: Woman and Her Judaism , M.

Lecture in San Pedro July Mifgashim: Interview on Israel Radio with "Yehuda" Mifgashim: Luis de Carvajal Day by Richard M. Kunin, Anthropological Aspects Stanley M. Reflections on Atonement by Dolores J. She teaches creative writing at workshops and programs in Washington state and elsewhere and is a contributing editor to The Raven Chronicles.

A founding member, Dr. Hordes received his Ph. He is the author of " Years in the Jewish Caribbean: Jews Who Shaped Modern America. Stanley Hordes see above. Diana Zertuche, a resident of Del Rio, Texas where she is a columnist for her local newspaper.

An anthropologist by training, he has specialized in the structural analysis of Hebrew myth, and carries out on-going research into the crypto-Jewish communities of modern New Mexico. He has been a featured speaker at many of our conferences and was the keynote speaker at the Miami Beach conference.

He is Senior Editor of Gaon Books, and he is currently doing research on the history of the Western Sephardim and the inquisition in Colombia. Benveniste has served the society as president, HaLapid editor and now assists Ms Sloan as co-editor.

A retired history teacher, he is active as a speaker on Sephardic and crypto Jews. His Web Site Member-at Large: Writer and speaker, Ms. She has coordinated publicity for the society and was Editor of HaLapid for several years. She teaches writing and public speaking at Mount St. Mary's College, Los Angeles. She is a founding member of the Genealogical Society of Hispanic America and is active in several other genealogical organizations.

Martinez has researched the history of Crypto Jews in Mexico and Spain. His Home Page Member at Large: Sonya Loya, Sonya returned to Judaism after learning that she was of anousim heritage.

She opened the Bat-Tzyion Hebrew Learning Center , to have a place where crypto Jews could come and learn about the roots that were taken by force from them years ago. One areas of his specialization is World Jewish Communities with an emphasis on Sephardim. Lavender has been an active member of the Society for many years and has published articles in HaLapid, as well as numerous other articles on Judaica. You can find more about him here.

The Sabbatean myth revived at a political turning point [Zorlu, who managed to reclaim his Jewish identity a few years back at the end of a toilsome struggle, was a Sabbatean himself and revealed the secrets of The story of Shabbatai and his prophets has mainly been explored by specialists in Jewish mysticism.

Sabbateanism , National Identity, and The prophecies of Nathan of Gaza, the founding theologian of the Sabbatean movement, aroused enthusiasm almost everywhere in the world where there was a Jewish community. Stories of the wonderful personality and deeds of Sabbatai Sevi, the messiah of Smyrnal kindled the imagination of tens of thousands of Jews whose hopes were raised that the end of the sufferings of exile would soon come.

Kabbalah in its various systems and schools had spread and become a central part of Jewish theological discourse, giving Sabbateanism, whose founders and leaders were all Kabbalists, a special tone. This came in addition to the mythical and popular traits that nourished Sabbateanism, all of which were the product of a long tradition of messianic belief that had developed within Judaism since Second Temple times, and which ramified and spread during the Middle Ages. Amsterdam became a major center of messianic fervour for a number of reasons: The city contained a large concentration of Marranos, refugees from the Inquisition in Spain and Portugal, who had returned to Judaism in the safe haven of Holland.

The messianic theme played a central role in the popular beliefs and Marrano theology that had developed in a number of their circles. Masses of refugees arrived from Eastern Europe, including Sarab, the woman who was to marry Sabbatai Sevi in Cairo in , who had come to Amsterdam as a young girl in around Particularly important were the Lithuanian Jews who had fled from the Swedish invasion and who were imbued with the messianic hopes that bad inspired the Jews of Poland and Lithuania since the time of the Chmielnicki pogroms [ sic ] of - The Jews of the city enjoyed a high degree of toleration, which permitted them, more than elsewhere, either in Christian Europe or in Islamic countries, to give free reign to their enthusiasm, The well developed printing industry among the Jews of Amsterdam made it a world centre for the distribution of Sabbatean Tikkun and prayer-books.

The printing houses of Uri Fayvesh ben Aaron Halevi, of Joseph Athias and especially of David de Castro Tartas published editions of prayer-books, books of penitential hymns and Tikkun and confession books with clear references to the imminent redemption, with the date of publication indicated as 'Behold I redeem my people Some of these books also contain prayers, confessions, and hymns written by Chaham R.

Isaac Aboab da Fonseca and the poet R. Solomon de Oliveyra, who was later appointed rabbi of the Sephardi community. Most of the books were printed in Hebrew and intended for the world Jewish book market. Some, however, were printed in Spanish and Portuguese and meant for the Marranos who had returned to Judaism and had not yet learned the Hebrew language. Copper engravings depicting Sabbatai Sevi sitting on his royal throne are also found as the frontispieces of some of these books.

In one of the best known books about the life of Sabbatai Sevi and the messianic upheaval which he aroused was printed in Amsterdam. I refer to the book by Thomas Coenen, the protestant minister of the Dutch community of Smyrnal entitled Ydele verwachtinge der Joden.

In Amsterdam the Jewish messianic fervour found willing ears among various circles of Christians, especially among the millenarians, who were very interested in the renewal of messianic activity within the Ottoman empire. Petrus Serrarius, a theologian, published Verklaringe over des Propheten Jesaia veertien eerste capittelen in Amsterdam in , a work in which he describes in detail his belief in the return of the Ten Lost Tribes, which was about to be fulfilled with the imminent revelation of the messiah.

However, even in , when belief in Sabbatai Sevi reached its peak, some Arnsterdam Jews did express lack of faith in him and opposed the activity of his followers. The city stock exchange served as a natural place for the promulgation of material condemning the false messiah, and on 3 May , from the pulpit of the synagogue, the Mahamad of the Sephardi community declared a ban against anyone who circulated pamphlets against the hopes of believers in the imminent arrival of the messiah.

At the time letters had already been received from Smyrna abolishing the fast of the 10th of Tevet, and reports had been received about the renewal of prophecy.

Excitement among the Jews of the city grew steadily. In the summer of official letters were written to Sabbatai Sevi from the various yeshivot of the Sephardi Jews of Amsterdam. In contrast, the Ets Haim collection contains two other original letters which were preserved after the emissaries who had been supposed to deliver them to the messiah returned to Amsterdam, having learnt of Sabbatai Sevi's conversion to Islam: By the end of everyone in Amsterdam knew about Sabbatai Sevi's conversion, and the news stunned the community.

In contrast to the Ashkenazi Jews, who retained messianic belief for some time, the Sephardim acted with severity in order to extirpate the evil from their midst. Their attitude to Sabbatai Raphael Supino, one of the most daring propagandists for the Sabbatean movement after Sabbatai Sevi's conversion, who arrived in Amsterdam in on the eve of Yom Kippur, shows more than anything the extreme transformation that had taken place within the Talmud Torah community.

On 7 October, the authorities of the city of Amsterdam, under pressure from the Sephardi syndics, signed an order to expel Supino from the city. And, to some extent, the joke is true. Every American who spends a year or more in Israel can date their time according to which historical convulsions the country was undergoing - in , I was there for Oslo; in , it was the calm before the Camp David storm; and in the hitnatkut, the Israeli "Disengagement" from Gaza. The last year was the most powerful for me personally.

I saw that Jewish religion and Jewish nationalism aligned almost perfectly; that for me to have any pretensions to an Orthodox, or even Ortho-practic, lifestyle was increasingly absurd on a sociological but also intellectual level; and that the Jewishness I wanted to create for myself - and I did still want to create that - would have to be a Jewishness outside the conventional boundaries of Jewish religious belief and community. While all of this quite-typical, American-in-Jerusalem soul searching was going on, I was trying to pin down my doctoral dissertation topic at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

I did, indeed, go to Jerusalem to study Hasidism - in particular, the remarkable and little-known writings of R. Aaron of Staroselse, the leading disciple of R. Schneur Zalman of Liady, the first rebbe of Chabad and author of that sect's masterpiece, the Tanya.

Aaron, who lost a succession battle to R. Schneur Zalman's son, R. Dov Ber of Lubavitch, took his master's ideas to their logical conclusion, which was a nondual, Vedanta-like theology in which the world we experience through our sense-perceptions has only relative reality; actually, R.

Aaron taught, it's all a dream in the mind of God - the same mind processing these words right now. It's brilliant stuff, and I was fascinated by it. I knew that somehow, some way, this hasidic rabbi would end up justifying the Torah-and-mitzvot lifestyle to which he was committed, as, of course, he did. The same was true of the wrestling-with-texts crowd at the American yeshivas in Jerusalem, my this-is-just-my-lifestyle dati leumi non-Anglo friends, and the rest of the observant community.

Of course, there are countless sincere seekers within and beyond traditional Judaism. But in my work, as in my life, I kept being drawn to the religious margins, to the people for whom the answers are not set in advance.

Aaron was a saintly, brilliant theologian, then Jacob Frank, who lived from , was the polar opposite: Not a nice guy - but, to me, a fascinating one, precisely because his was a theology of transgression in which no answers were assured. Indeed, in which answers were the enemy. If you see a boundary, cross it - that's the view, because it's what God did, mixing Godself with the impurity of the material world.

Where does that end up? Some scholars call it nihilism - but it's a nihilism that greatly influenced Frank's contemporary, R. Israel Baal Shem Tov, and which, astonishingly, paved the way for the Haskalah in some communities, assimilation in others.

Frank was part of a Sabbatean family, and received his education in present-day Turkey. Turkey was a hotbed of secret and not-so-secret sects of Jews who maintained that Sabbatai Zevi, who in had convinced almost one third of European Jews to be his followers until he converted to Islam under the threat of death, was the messiah.

Frank was not, strictly speaking, a Sabbatean; he had his own ideas, and saw himself, not Sabbetai, as the central heroic figure. But he and his followers were called Sabbateans the fine points being a bit too-fine to the rabbis trying to stamp out heresy , and his ideas are close enough that Frankism, as it came to be called, is generally called an "outgrowth" of Sabbateanism.

Of course, to believe that a dead man who didn't accomplish his mission is actually the messiah requires a fair amount of cognitive dissonance - but, well, let's just say the idea isn't without precedent. In the Sabbateans' case, the belief system that emerged was that the redemption is already here, but not on the gross, material plane. Students of Hasidism can see the parallels to the Baal Shem Tov's identical teaching.

The purpose of religious ritual - normative and new - was to break through the walls of illusion, maintain faith in the redeemer, and find a way to live in the material world. In the 18th century, some Sabbateans were Jews, including some well-known rabbis like probably R. Jonathan Eybeschutz, who kept their heretical faith hidden but maintained secret circles of believers ma'aminim is what they called themselves. This is why I study Sabbateanism: Yes, there are some aspects of Sabbatean ideology that are fascinating, even titillating.

I'm intrigued by Frank's innovation, in exact parallel to the Baal Shem Tov's, that the miracle of pantheism is precisely that God is present in the illusory, material world.

But above all, I'm captivated by that vertiginous moment in which there are suddenly no rules, no guides - and yet there is also a pull to faith. True nihilism bores me; I can't think of anything less interesting than the same hipster angst that has caused people to be cool, ironic and unhappy for two hundred years.

But religious anarchy - where things matter, but they're not how the authorities say - that is the world which I actually inhabit. Earlier scholars of Sabbateanism were attracted for similar reasons. Gershom Scholem, who invented the modern study of Jewish mysticism, wrote his longest single work on Sabbatai Zevi, and regarded him both as a religious revolutionary and a precursor to Zionism.

Scholem was not alone in this characterization; when Herzl published The Jewish State, he was accused of being a new Sabbatai Zevi, because like Sabbatai, he was trying to take history into his own hands, to hasten the redemption, to act in a way that the pious reserved for God. Many of Israel's founding generation, such as President Yitzhak Ben-Zvi a name he chose , were likewise fascinated by Sabbateanism, and devoted considerable resources to researching and preserving its legacy.

Some of the fruits of that research are reprinted in this issue of Zeek. Other scholars see in Sabbateanism the first stirrings of reform. Few still subscribe to Scholem's claim that the movement basically enabled the Jewish Enlightenment to happen by weakening rabbinic power structures and, for the first time, suggesting that there were serious alternatives to mainstream Jewish authority and belief.

But it did play some role. And Sabbatai was the first Jewish leader to - in the 17th century - openly decry the oppression of women in Judaism, and place women in positions of power notwithstanding his own tortured relationship with his wife, whom he essentially abandoned. This may have been a charismatically-driven mystical movement, but it did get some things right. And then there is the mystical charge.

It's clear, from reading the documents, that Sabbateanism was the mystical movement of the day. These were the Jews who preferred the Zohar to the Talmud, who loved ecstatic prayer and dance, and who believed the world to be charged with magic.

Some of it was just superstition, of course, and a lot of it was providing some sense of meaning to a people persecuted and oppressed. But just imagine what it must have been like, to be part of a secret society of ecstatic Jews, convening in hidden locations to engage in ecstatic rites.

I know which party I'd like to crash. Not to mention the sexual antinomianism, and the overt homoeroticism surrounding Sabbatai and one of his successors, Beruchiah Russo - a subject upon which, if I live long enough, I hope to write at some length. Of course, there is always the tendency to project onto an object of study the characteristics of the hero one wishes to invent. Sabbatai Zevi's prophet, Nathan of Gaza, was a complex and brilliant theologian, but Sabbatai himself can hardly be called a "religious revolutionary" in his own right, any more than the many messianic pretenders one sees walking around Jerusalem at odd hours of the night.

He knew his Kabbalah, and he wasn't a fool, but he was an erratic figure who's hard to pin down exactly. And Jacob Frank is certainly no hero, despite my own wish that he be one; reading the assemblage of his oral teachings is sometimes like poring through the ramblings of a lunatic.

So I try not to let my enthusiasm blind me to the reality of these flawed human beings and the complicated religious movements they headed, and I am fortunate to be held in check by the requirements of academic discipline. The truth is, there is much we may never know about the Sabbateans. Were they antinomians, or pietists, or both? Were Frank's followers dupes, or mystics, or both? Who was ascetic and who hedonistic? Who revolutionary and who merely a crank?

We do know, however, that they were heretics, someone who actively chooses his or her own belief system heretic comes from the Greek aireo, to choose without looking for guidance to authority figures. Of course, the heretic is rare today precisely because she is ubiquitous; in our day, thank God, everyone chooses to believe what they want, which makes the notion of a heretic a rather empty one. It's a gesture, more than anything else. But beneath that gesture is, for me at least, a kind of reassurance, and a courage as well.

Yes, the heretics tell me, there are those of us in love with God, but not in love with religion. We even cherish our particular religious path, albeit not in the way our teachers tell us. It would be easier to give it up, smoke more cigarettes, and brush off the calls of the heart.

But you don't have to do that, and we didn't. I've long since given up thinking that religion will save the world, and have, like many people, begun to wonder if it will destroy it. Heresy, however - freely thinking, sincerely feeling, personally embodied, and spiritually awake - may have a shot.

As the meaning of the term tikkun olam has expanded to apply to virtually any action or belief that the user thinks is beneficial to the world, some Jewish social justice activists and thinkers have moved away from using the term at all. A teaching about compromise, sharpening, trimming and humanizing rabbinic law, a mystical doctrine about putting God's world back together again, this strange and half-understood notion becomes a huge umbrella under which our petty moral concerns and political panaceas can come in out of the rain.

The History of the Term The term tikkun olam may have originated as early as the second century CE, and its popularity as a religious concept has waxed and waned in the centuries that have followed. This is the story of a beautiful Israeli hotel on the African seashore.

It is the story of an Israeli owned holiday resort in Mombassa, Kenya, designed and built solely for the Israeli tourist market. It is also the story of total abuse of the local impoverished population.

It is a tale of humiliation, cruelty and continuous daily rape of struggling African women. The Cold War involved two competing visions of order. Preserving and expanding the world of sustainable order is the leadership challenge of our time.

Or is it something deeper? I was discussing this core question with Nader Mousavizadeh, a former senior United Nations official and the co-founder of Macro Advisory Partners, a geopolitical advisory firm, and he offered another framework: There is a lot of truth in that.

The sectarian and nationalist fires you see burning around the Middle East are not as natural and inevitable as you may think. It worked, and now Assad presents himself as the defender of a secular Syria against Sunni fanatics. The minute America left Iraq, he deliberately arrested Sunni leaders, deprived them of budgets and stopped paying the Sunni tribesmen who rose up against Al Qaeda.

The Palestinian extremists who recently kidnapped three Israeli youths were arsonists, aiming to blow up any hope of restarting Israeli-Palestinian peace talks and to embarrass Palestinian moderates.

But they had help. Radical Jewish settler supporters in the Israeli cabinet, like Naftali Bennett and housing minister Uri Ariel, are arsonists. It is hard for people who have not lived in the Arab world to appreciate that Shiites and Sunnis in places like Iraq, Lebanon or Bahrain often intermarry. Majorities in all countries oppose any form of U.

I recently gave the commencement address at the American University of Iraq, Sulaimani, in Kurdistan. Its student body is 70 percent Kurdish, and the rest are mostly Shiites and Sunnis from across Iraq. With the right leadership, people in the region can and do get along. It is why for all the talk of breaking Iraq into three parts, it is has never been the preferred choice of most Iraqis. You actually have to work at burning them up.

To be sure, harmony between different sects requires order, but it does not have to be iron-fisted. Iraqis just last April held fair elections on their own.

They can do it. That requires the right leadership. Are you an arsonist or are you a firefighter? The past month has presented the world with what the Israeli analyst Orit Perlov describes as the two dominant Arab governing models: Both have failed and will continue to fail — and require coercion to stay in power — because they cannot deliver for young Arabs and Muslims what they need most: The situation is not totally bleak.

You have two emergent models, both frail and neither perfect, where Muslim Middle East nations have built decent, democratizing governance, based on society and with some political, cultural and religious pluralism: Again both are works in progress, but what is important is that they did emerge from the societies themselves.

You also have the relatively soft monarchies — like Jordan and Morocco — that are at least experimenting at the margins with more participatory governance, allow for some opposition and do not rule with the brutality of the secular autocrats. And results can only come from policies of inclusion , that would give all forces a stake in the system, thereby producing stability, checks and balances, and ultimately prosperity.

ISIS and Sisi cannot win. Unfortunately, it might take exhausting all other options before a critical mass is developed that internalizes this basic fact. That is the challenge of the new generation in the Arab world, where 70 percent of the population is under 30 years of age.

The old generation, secular or religious, seems to have learned nothing from the failure of the postindependence era to achieve sustainable development, and the danger of exclusionist policies.

Indeed, the Iraq founded in is gone with the wind. The new Egypt imagined in Tahrir Square is stillborn. Too many leaders and followers in both societies seem intent on giving their failed ideas of the past another spin around the block before, hopefully, they opt for the only idea that works: This could take a while, or not. We tend to make every story about us. But this is not all about us. But we also helped open their doors to a different future, which their leaders have slammed shut for now.

Going forward, where we see people truly committed to pluralism, we should help support them. And where we see islands of decency threatened, we should help protect them. But this is primarily about them, about their need to learn to live together without an iron fist from the top, and it will happen only when and if they want it to happen.

There is much talk right now about America teaming up with Iran to push back the coalition of Sunni militias that has taken over Mosul and other Sunni towns in western Iraq and Syria. Iraq and Syria are twins: First, it was by soft-fisted Ottomans who ruled through local notables in a decentralized fashion, then by iron-fisted British and French colonial powers and later by iron-fisted nationalist kings and dictators. Today, the Ottomans are gone, the British and French are gone and now many of the kings and dictators are gone.

Each country is now faced with the challenge of trying to govern itself horizontally by having the different sects, parties and tribes agree on social contracts for how to live together as equal citizens who rotate power. Tunisia and Kurdistan have done the best at this transition. Libya has collapsed into intertribal conflict. Yemen struggles with a wobbly tribal balance. In Iraq, the Shiite prime minister, Nuri Kamal al-Maliki — who had the best chance, the most oil money and the most help from the U.

So today, it seems, a unified Iraq and a unified Syria can no longer be governed vertically or horizontally. The leaders no longer have the power to extend their iron fists to every border, and the people no longer have the trust to extend their hands to one another.

It would appear that the only way they can remain united is if an international force comes in, evicts the dictators, uproots the extremists and builds consensual politics from the ground up — a generational project for which there are no volunteers. But the necessary turned out to be impossible: The post-Saddam generation of Iraqi leaders turned out to be like abused children who went on to be abusive parents.

The Iranians constantly encouraged Shiite supremacy and frustrated our efforts to build pluralism. Mosques and charities in Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Kuwait and Qatar continued to fund preachers and fighters who promoted the worst Sunni extremism.

And thousands of Muslim men marched to Syria and Iraq to fight for jihadism, but none marched there to fight for pluralism. I could say that before President Obama drops even an empty Coke can from a U. I could say that that is the necessary condition for reunification of Iraq.

But I have to say this: It feels both too late and too early to stop the disintegration — too late because whatever trust there was between communities is gone, and Maliki is not trying to rebuild it, and too early because it looks as if Iraqis are going to have to live apart, and see how crazy and impoverishing that is, before the different sects can coexist peacefully.

Pluralism came to Europe only after many centuries of one side or another in religious wars thinking it could have it all, and after much ethnic cleansing created more homogeneous nations. Europe also went through the Enlightenment and the Reformation. Arab Muslims need to go on the same journey.

It will happen when they want to or when they have exhausted all other options. This is one of those rare pay-per-view foreign policy moments. Pull up a chair. In essence what Kerry is daring to test is a question everyone has wanted to avoid: Is the situation between Israelis and Palestinians at five minutes to midnight or five minutes after midnight, or even 1 a.

That is, has Israel become so much more powerful than its neighbors that a symmetrical negotiation is impossible, especially when the Palestinians do not seem willing or able to mount another intifada that might force Israel to withdraw? Has the neighborhood around Israel become so much more unstable that any Israeli withdrawal from anywhere is unthinkable? Has the number of Israeli Jews now living in East Jerusalem and the West Bank become so much larger — more than , — that they are immovable?

And has the Palestinian rhetoric on the right of return become so deeply embedded in Palestinian politics? So when you add them all up, it becomes a fantasy to expect any Israeli or Palestinian leader to have the strength to make the huge concessions needed for a two-state solution?

President Obama is letting Kerry test all this. The Israeli withdrawal will not include certain settlement blocs, but Israel will compensate the Palestinians for them with Israeli territory. It will call for the Palestinians to have a capital in Arab East Jerusalem and for Palestinians to recognize Israel as the nation state of the Jewish people.

It will not include any right of return for Palestinian refugees into Israel proper. Kerry expects and hopes that both Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas will declare that despite their reservations about one or another element in the U. This is where things will get interesting. But he remains deeply skeptical about Palestinian intentions — or as Netanyahu said here Tuesday: Which is why — although Netanyahu has started to prepare the ground here for the U.

He will lose a major part of his own Likud Party and all his other right-wing allies. In short, for Netanyahu to move forward, he will have to build a new political base around centrist parties.

In a cautious dance of two-steps-forward, one-step-back, U-turning leaders must shift their political center of gravity from the former base to their future platform. If the Palestinians and Israelis find a way to proceed with the Kerry plan, everything is still possible.

If not, he loses his credibility. If and when that happens, Israel, which controls the land, would have to either implement a unilateral withdrawal, live with the morally corrosive and globally isolating implications of a permanent West Bank occupation or design a new framework of one-state-for-two-people. The next train is the one coming at them. There is one group of people with an even greater interest than Democrats in President Obama prevailing over Tea Party Republicans in this shutdown showdown, and that is mainstream Republicans.

In the long run, because this fringe would be dictating the party line, Republicans would stand zero chance of winning the White House in Finally, given the way the Republicans have managed to gerrymander so many Congressional districts in their favor, they can easily retain control of the House under any normal economic conditions.

But if they trigger a U. He should negotiate with them. He needs to lead. President Obama is leading. He is protecting the very rules that are the foundation of any healthy democracy.

He is leading by not giving in to this blackmail, because if he did he would undermine the principle of majority rule that is the bedrock of our democracy. That system guarantees the minority the right to be heard and to run for office and become the majority, but it also ensures that once voters have spoken, and their representatives have voted — and, if legally challenged, the Supreme Court has also ruled in their favor — the majority decision holds sway.

A minority of a minority, which has lost every democratic means to secure its agenda, has no right to now threaten to tank our economy if its demands are not met.

If we do not preserve this system, nothing will ever be settled again in American politics. There would be nothing to prevent a future Democratic Congress from using the exact same blackmail to try to overturn a law enacted by their Republican rivals.

The president has said that he would give the G. What Obama will not do, and must not do, is pay an entry fee to that negotiation — say giving up the medical-device tax — just to help Boehner down from the tree.

Only Republicans can delegitimize the nihilistic madness at the base of their party. Yes, it will cost them today, but it will enable them to thrive in the future.

America needs a proper right-of-center conservative party to challenge a left-of-center Democratic Party. AN Arab friend remarked to me that watching the United States debate how much to get involved in Syria reminded him of an Arab proverb: After burning our tongues in Iraq and Afghanistan, and watching with increasing distress the aftermath of the revolutions in Libya, Tunisia and Egypt, President Obama is right to be cautious about getting burned in Damascus.

We ignore the lessons at our peril — especially the lesson of Iraq, which everyone just wants to forget but is hugely relevant. So, like Iraq, Syria has been ruled for much of its modern history by either a colonial power or an iron-fisted autocrat. In Iraq, the hope was that once the iron-fisted dictator was removed by us it would steadily transition to a multisectarian, multiparty democracy.

Ditto for Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen. But we now see the huge difference between Eastern Europe in and the Arab world in In most of Eastern Europe, the heavy lid of communist authoritarian rule was suppressing broad and deeply rooted aspirations for democracy. So when that lid was removed, most of these countries relatively quickly moved to freely elected governments — helped and inspired by the European Union.

In the Arab world, in contrast, the heavy lid of authoritarianism was suppressing sectarian, tribal, Islamist and democratic aspirations. So, when the lids were removed, all four surfaced at once. But the Islamist trend has been the most energetic — helped and inspired not by the European Union but by Islamist mosques and charities in the Persian Gulf — and the democratic one has proved to be the least organized, least funded and most frail.

In short, most of Eastern Europe turned out to be like Poland after communism ended and most of the Arab countries turned out to be like Yugoslavia after communism ended. As I said, our hope and the hope of the courageous Arab democrats who started all these revolutions, was that these Arab countries would make the transition from Saddam to Jefferson without getting stuck in Khomeini or Hobbes — to go from autocracy to democracy without getting stuck in Islamism or anarchism.

But, to do that, they need either an external midwife to act as a referee between all their constituent communities who never developed trust in one another as they try to replace sectarianism, Islamism and tribalism with a spirit of democratic citizenship or they need their own Nelson Mandela.

: סקס מול הבעל תחת יפה

סקס אונס אלים סקס עם שחורות We גברים מזדינים הכרויות חינם gain some consolation from understanding the Aleynu text as comparatively universalistic within the historical context. Reflections on Atonement by Dolores J. But this was a truly unusual situation. You also have the relatively soft monarchies — like Jordan and Morocco — that are at least experimenting at the margins with more participatory governance, allow for some opposition and do not rule with the brutality of the secular autocrats. Instead they aim to appeal to European and American markets.
סקס מול הבעל תחת יפה סקס כפול סקס רזות
סקס מול הבעל תחת יפה 528
כלב מזיין בחורה סקס ליקוקים The Muslim Brotherhood never כלב מזיין בחורה זיון על הבוקר have סקס מול הבעל תחת יפה 51 percent with just its base. Indeed, in which answers were the enemy. Antifa are not fools, and to think otherwise makes you one. The last year was the most powerful for me personally. I saw that Jewish religion and Jewish nationalism aligned almost perfectly; that for me to have any pretensions to an Orthodox, or even Ortho-practic, lifestyle was increasingly absurd on a sociological but also intellectual level; and that the Jewishness I wanted to create for myself - and I did still want to create that - would have to be a Jewishness outside the conventional boundaries of Jewish religious belief and community. It's obsessed with my sex life.
My conversion was a long סרטים כחולים זקנות סקס האבקות. Proceedings of the First International Conference: Tunisia and Kurdistan have done the best at this transition. Short and long tail. Many centrist Egyptian urban elites chose to vote for Morsi because they could not bring themselves to vote for his opponent, Ahmed Shafik, a holdover from the regime of Hosni Mubarak. They also kept their Islamists underground. They all embrace the same anti-pluralistic, puritanical Wahhabi Sunni ideology that Saudi Arabia diffused, at home and abroad, to the mosques that nurtured ISIS. סקס מול הבעל תחת יפה

סקס מול הבעל תחת יפה -

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סקס מול הבעל תחת יפה · 15.11.2016 at 22:47

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